In
a report entitled "Where We Stand: Teacher
Quality," the AFT leadership puts forth a number of recommendations
for raising teachers' status as professionals. These include tougher entry
requirements and union involvement in hiring. For the lucky souls that
clear the inital hurdles there will be further weeding out. "The widespread
adoption of joint union-administration-directed peer intervention programs
to help weak teachers gain the skills they need or, if that is not possible,
to counsel them into other lines of work, would do a great deal
to raise the status of the profession" (p. 9) (my emphasis).
Unfortunately,
in arguing that teachers' status is tied to "teacher
quality" the AFT is simply mirroring the claims of corporate America
and its teacher-bashing think tanks and media. It is part of a broad
agenda that is making the conditions of teaching and learning worse under
command-style "school reform" and mandates for remote monitoring
and management. It is causing large numbers of teachers to flee for their
sanity. It does not raise the status of anyone working in the schools.
The term professionalism is used to answer the demands
by teachers for better pay, health coverage, working conditions, and
other benefits.
It is argued by management that professionals don’t complain, they
make the best of any situation. They don’t fight over conditions
of work, because they are really concerned about the service they must
deliver. Teachers should not consider striking, because that would be
selfish and hurt the ones they serve.
“Professionals” in the employers or management’s
perspective would fit better into a merit system, rather than an equitable
labor
contract. All these arguments and many more are used to weaken the position
of working people, to pit workers against each other and to crush any
developing militancy.
Without labor organizing into strong unions, working people would be
reduced to peonage and the limited benevolence of employers. Employers,
whether in the public or private sector, have no interest in protecting
their workers. Their interests are directly opposed to those of working
people.
A look at history makes this clear as day. While labor unions came together
over the struggle for wages, benefits and conditions of work, UFT leaders
and others have moved toward collaboration with employers. There is lots
of posturing, but more and more compromise on conditions and class size,
working through contract deadlines, following the drive for more testing
of students and teachers and a strategy of self-regulating professionalism
in opposition to collective labor struggle.
The rights and security that teachers currently have they owe to the
labor struggles of the past. They were not bestowed on them because they
identified themselves as professionals. In fact, an obstacle to teachers'
gaining status and dignity was having associations that were dominated
by school administrators who called for teachers to be more professional
and less unionist. The demand for professionalism has been part of the
drive toward greater centralization of control of the school system,
and away from community participation and stronger unions.
In
Marjorie Murphy's Blackboard Unions: The AFT & the
NEA 1900-1980, she explains how teachers' unions in Chicago
and other cities, had to break away from the control of school
administrators. "The
women (teachers) proposed their own vision of education that
was based on experience in the classroom as opposed to university
credit; they
thought that knowing the community was more important than satisfying
the top administrative personnel."
Margaret Haley, a sixth-grade teacher in Chicago's tough "Back
of the Yards" district was an irrepressible early organizer who
struggled against the NEA leadership for a union controlled by teachers.
Her vision was not only for better salaries and better school funding.
She believed a union should be involved in the struggle for more democractic
schools and the type of education that had joy in it.
She
told the NEA convention of 1904:
"Two
ideals are struggling for supremacy in American life today;
one the industrial ideal dominating
through the supremacy of commercialism, which subordinates
the worker
to the product and the machines; the other, the ideal of
democracy, the ideal of the educators, which places humanity
above all
machines, and
demands that all activity shall be the expression of life
... Those two ideals can no more continue to exist in American
life than our nation
could have continued half slave and half free. If the school
can not bring joy to the work of the world, then the joy
must
go out of its own
life, and work in the school, as in the industrial field,
will become drudgery." (Murphy, p. 58.)